Shared Material Culture
Early census records of the Virginia colony (1624) note that 11 of the first group of “twenty and odd” Africans to reach Virginia, who arrived in 1619, were living and laboring at Flowerdew Hundred. While historical documents over the past 20 years have yielded more information about the first Africans in Virginia, the identification of race typically eludes the archaeological record, revealing little regarding these first Africans. Africans were not the principal labor force in Virginia during the 17th century. Documents show that Virginia Indians also labored on English plantations, likely both as slaves and servants until the practice was outlawed in 1691 (although there are indications settlers ignored the law and the practice continued long after).
Consequently, until the institution of slavery became the primary labor strategy in Virginia in the 18th century, African and Virginia Indian laborers and European indentured servants worked side-by-side and presumably lived under the same roof. What the archaeological record reveals is that despite differences in race and origin, colonial Virginia’s early laborers experienced shared and interconnected material lives, probably even sharing the limited supply of iron tools needed to work Virginia’s soils and raw materials.
These iron scythes, used for harvesting crops, represent some of the shared material culture of early Virginia’s diverse labor force. Though manufactured and shipped from England, Africans, Virginia Indians, and Europeans would have held and used them on a daily basis. Thus, few artifacts from colonial Flowerdew Hundred’s domestic material record could be said to be distinctly African, distinctly Indian, or distinctly European.
Historical documents such as these letters complement the archaeological record by providing details about the daily life of colonial laborers and planters. Richard Ffrethorne, a young man bound by a labor contract, wrote this letter to his parents, describing the deplorable conditions in Virginia and begging them to purchase his freedom or, at least, send clothes and food. He writes specifically about poor treatment and says that all they’ve eaten since they’ve landed are peas and gruel. Discusses fear of Native Americans and mentions a battle the week before in which the colonists took two Indians captive and made them slaves.
Says of Virginia: “there is nothing to be got here but sickness and death.” In the second day of the letter he talks about the Indian uprising.
Colonial planters realized that reaping profits from a labor-intensive crop like tobacco would require more workers. In this letter, tobacco planter William Capps writes to John Farrer of the Virginia Company and suggests that enslaved Indians be used to supplement the inadequate number of English indentured laborers.
This letter details Capps’ complaints about Sir George Yeardley, Sir Wiliam Niece, and the ongoing violence between the Indians and the colonists. Asks for a shipment of either slaves or indentured servants for Martin’s Hundred.
The letter mentions Thorp allowing Indians to "have their head" and that they are now uncontrollable. He says the Indians are ripping out guts of men and that Neuce let them in. The letter also praises the governor, saying he is God-sent and asking him to make the situation better. The letter recommends Capps as the one to make the situation whole again. He says the country is poor and the company is poor. The letter goes into a man that is a slave. He mentions a proposal to bring other slaves that will work. He then mentions new Toes, old Toes, no Toes at all (possibly a song!). Lastly, the letter mentions the unhealthiness at sea. He says that conditions are unhealthy and foul.